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Federal Reserve Bank of New YorkSpeechEN

Geithner: The Current Financial Challenges: Policy and Regulatory Implications

SPEAKERNot stated

PUBLISHED03/08/2008, 00:00:00
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The Current Financial Challenges: Policy and Regulatory Implications - FEDERAL RESERVE BANK of NEW YORK

Speech

The Current Financial Challenges: Policy and Regulatory Implications

March 6, 2008

Timothy Geithner

, President and Chief Executive Officer

Remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations Corporate Conference 2008, New York City

I am going to talk today about some of the challenges facing the U.S.

and financial system. These problems took a long time to build up, and, even

with a forceful mix of public policy and action by the private sector, they

will take time to resolve.

The central questions are: what caused the crisis and what explains

its severity? What mix of policy measures will best contain the damage? And

what changes to the financial system are likely to produce greater stability

and resilience in the future?

Origins

The origins of this crisis lie in complex interaction of number of forces. Some

were the product of market forces. Some were the product of market failures. Some

were the result of incentives created by policy and regulation. Some

of these were evident at the time, others are apparent only with the benefit

of hindsight. Together they produced a substantial financial boom on

a global scale.

In the

five years leading up to the present stress, the world experienced an unusual

mix of financial conditions.

Real short-term interest rates were reduced around the world, following a

nearly decade long secular decline in inflation rates, a slowdown in growth

at the turn of this decade and subsequent deflation. As central banks

raised their policy rates when the outlook improved and deflation risks had

dissipated, both real and nominal long-term interest rates remained anomalously

low.

Global savings appeared to rise faster than did perceived real investment

opportunities, and this development helped to push down real long-term interest

rates around the world. At the same time, many emerging market

economies built up very large levels of official reserves to reduce external

vulnerability and to hold the value of their currencies stable against the

dollar. The exchange rate policies in these economies—economies

that together accounted for a increasing share of global GDP—made overall

global financial conditions more accommodative, even as the United States and other

countries tightened their monetary policies.

Expected and realized volatility in both debt and equity markets were remarkably

low for most of the last half a decade. Term premiums declined and remained

low over much of this period. Credit spreads across a wide range of asset

classes fell to levels that assumed unusually low levels of future losses. In

the United States, credit, and mortgage credit in particular, expanded relative

to GDP. Many households—including those previously lacking access

to credit or with access only to expensive credit—found they could borrow

on a significant scale to finance the purchase of a home and other expenses. Prices

rose across a range of real and financial assets, most notably the prices of

homes.

This constellation of broad economic and financial conditions was accompanied

by rapid innovation in financial instruments that made credit risk easier to

trade and, in principle at least, to hedge. These instruments allowed

investors to buy insurance or protection against a broader range of individual

credit risks, such as the default by a home owner or a company. Issuance

of asset-backed securities (ABS), collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) and

collateralized loan obligations (CLOs), as well as credit default swaps (CDS),

expanded on a dramatic scale, particularly from 2005 through to mid-2007. And

over this same period, the composition of the assets in ABS, as well as in

CDOs and CLOs, shifted to higher credit risk mortgages and loans issued by

noninvestment grade companies.

Even though these instruments allow credit risk to be shared, their holders

remain exposed to the less probable, but potentially very damaging effects

of a significant increase in losses driven by macroeconomic factors. As

underwriting standards deteriorated over this period, this exposure grew. And

yet risk premia continued to fall, suggesting that investors did not fully

appreciate the dynamic that was at work. As the boom persisted, investors

grew more confident in the relative stability of macro and financial conditions

and in the high levels of liquidity of the recent past, and projected that

stability into the future. That confidence in a more stable future led

to greater leverage and a larger exposure to the risk of a less benign world.

The interaction of these forces made the financial system as a whole more

vulnerable to a range of different weaknesses. The models used by issuers

to structure these products and by credit rating agencies to assess risk and

assign ratings turned out to be much more sensitive to macroeconomic assumptions

than was apparent to investors at the time. Assumptions about home price

appreciation and the correlation of defaults within the underlying collateral

pool were particularly critical in this context.

The proliferation of credit risk transfer instruments was driven in part by

an assumption of frictionless, uninterrupted liquidity. This left credit

and funding markets more vulnerable when liquidity receded. Banks and

other financial institutions lent substantial amounts of money on the assumption

that they would be able to distribute that risk easily into liquid markets. A

sizable fraction of long-term assets—assets with exposure to different

forms of credit risk—ended up in vehicles financed with very short-term

liabilities and was placed with investors and funds that were also exposed

to liquidity risk.

As is often the case during periods of rapid change, more significant concentrations

of risk were present than was apparent at the time. Banks and investment

banks sold insurance against what seemed like low probability events, but did

so at what even at the time seemed like low prices. And on the assets

they retained, these same institutions purchased insurance from financial guarantors

and other firms that were exposed to the same risks.

The crisis exposed a range of weaknesses in risk management practices within

financial institutions in the United States and throughout the world. Today,

a group of the primary supervisors of the largest banks and investment banks

in the world released a comprehensive assessment of risk management practices

in these institutions. This assessment will help lay the foundation for

consensus on changes to supervision going forward in the major financial centers. The

report examines a range of practices that helped determine relative performance

during this crisis. Banks and investment banks with stronger risk management

practices and cultures did substantially better. The most common failures

were in how firms dealt with uncertainty about the scale of losses they would

face in a less benign economic and financial environment; the scale of the

cushion they built up against that uncertainty; how well they managed the internal

tension between risk and reward; and how quickly they moved to mitigate risk

as conditions deteriorated.

The typical arsenal of risk management tools relies, by necessity, on history

and experience, and as a result has only limited value in assessing the scale

of potential future losses. These limitations were particularly damaging

in a period in which significant innovation in financial instruments and market

structure was coupled with relatively stable macroeconomic and financial conditions. Uncertainty

about the future, and the greater complexity of leveraged structured products,

created a dense fog around estimates of potential loss, making institutions

and markets more vulnerable to an adverse surprise when conditions changed,

and making it harder to manage the many principal agent problems inherent in

the financial business.

In effect, some major banks and investments banks made the choice to follow

the market down as underwriting practices eroded. They took on more exposure

to low probability but extremely adverse events, despite the potential consequences

of getting caught when the music stopped. And even though the largest

firms were able to move quickly to protect themselves as conditions worsened,

those actions had significant negative effects on market functioning and liquidity.

The current episode has a basic dynamic in common with all past crises. As

market participants have moved to reduce exposure to further losses, to step

on the brake, the brake became the accelerator, amplifying the shock. Measured

risk has increased more quickly than many institutions have been able reduce

it, and attempts to reduce it have added to volatility and downward pressure

on prices, further increasing measured exposure to risk. Uncertainty

about the market value of securities and about counterparty credit risk has

increased, and many hedges have not performed as intended. The rational

actions taken by even the strongest financial institutions to reduce exposure

to future losses have caused significant collateral damage to market functioning. This,

in turn, has intensified the liquidity problems for a wide range of bank and

nonbank financial institutions.

In this environment, banks have faced several different types of liquidity

and funding challenges. They have been called on to fund a range of

different contingent liquidity and credit commitments, as is typically the

case in crises. The substantial impairment of securitization and syndication

markets has been an additional challenge because it has reduced banks’ access

to liquidity and their capacity to move assets off balance sheets. As

the market value of many securities has declined, and investors have reduced

their willingness to finance more risky assets, liquidity conditions have eroded

further. In response, even the strongest institutions have become much

more cautious, building up large cushions of liquidity, bringing down leverage

and reducing financing for their leveraged counterparties.

Policy Measures

The self-reinforcing dynamic within financial markets has intensified the

downside risks to growth for an economy that is already confronting a very

substantial adjustment in housing and the possibility of a significant rise

in household savings.

The intensity of the crisis is in part a function of the size of the preceding

financial boom, but also of the speed of the deterioration in confidence about

the prospects for growth and in some of the basic features of our financial

markets. The damage to confidence—confidence in ratings, in valuation

tools, in the capacity of investors to evaluate risk—will prolong the

process of adjustment in markets. This process carries with it risks

to the broader economy. Macroeconomic and supervisory policies have an

important role to play in containing those risks.

Let me mention several critical areas of policy.

Monetary policy.

The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) has

reduced the nominal federal funds rate target substantially in a relatively

short period of time, with much of this reduction occurring ahead of the deterioration

in confidence and the broader slowdown in spending that is now apparent. But

even with those reductions in short-term interest rates in place, financial

conditions have tightened as risk spreads on a wide range of asset classes

and institutions have increased considerably. The critical risk to the

economic outlook remains the potential for the strains in financial markets

to have an outsized adverse effect on real economic activity, particularly

by exacerbating the already significant weakness in the housing sector. It

is important for monetary policy and liquidity instruments to be used proactively

in addressing this risk.

But this is not the only challenge we face. Headline and core inflation

have come in higher than anticipated, and inflation expectations have also

moved up. If the risk of significant damage to growth from these financial

market pressures is attenuated and if global growth remains strong and drives

a continuing rise in energy and commodity prices, then inflation may not moderate

as much as we anticipate. If the medium term outlook for inflation deteriorates

significantly, the FOMC will move with appropriate speed and force to address

this risk.

This requires a fine balance. The principal challenge for policy is

to provide an adequate degree of insurance against the downside risks that

still confront the economy as a whole, without adding to concerns about inflation

over the medium term. We cannot know with confidence today what level

of the short-term real funds rate will be consistent with our objectives of

sustainable growth and low inflation, but if turbulent financial conditions

and the associated downside risks to growth persist, monetary policy may have

to remain accommodative for some time.

Liquidity provision.

Although concerns about credit quality

are at the root of the current problems in financial markets, a substantial

impairment in market liquidity conditions can exacerbate and prolong the adjustment

in credit conditions. To mitigate this risk, we have taken a series

of actions to help reduce the risk that market liquidity conditions exacerbate

the adjustment process in credit markets.

By allowing institutions to finance with the central bank assets they could

no longer finance as easily in the market, we have reduced the need for them

to take other actions, such as selling other assets into distressed markets,

or withdrawing credit lines extended to other financial institutions, that

would have amplified pressures in markets. These measures—the Term

Auction Facility and swap arrangements—have had some success in mitigating

market pressures, in part by providing a form of insurance against future stress. We

now have in place a cooperative framework for liquidity provision among the

major central banks. And we have considerable flexibility to adjust the

dimensions of these liquidity tools. We will keep them in place as long

as necessary, and continue to adapt them where we see a compelling case to

do so.

Encouraging

financial repair

. The Federal Reserve is working closely with

other financial supervisors and regulators to facilitate the adjustment underway

in markets. This approach has two important elements. The first

is to encourage improvements in the quality of valuation methods and disclosure

by the major regulated financial institutions and the necessary adjustment

in valuations and reserves to reflect the deterioration in expected losses. Better

disclosure can reduce some uncertainty about the incidence and magnitude

of potential losses across the financial system, although it is important

to note that these estimates of losses are a function of the outlook for

the economy and will necessarily change as expectations of the future change.

The second

element is to encourage new equity capital raising, so that the burden for

preserving capital ratios does not fall principally on actions, such as asset

sales or reduced lending, that might exacerbate the credit crunch. We

have seen a very substantial flow of new capital into the financial system

much more quickly than has been the case in past crises. More will come. Those

institutions that move more quickly will obviously be in a stronger position

to deal with the challenges, and take advantage of the opportunities, ahead.

Fiscal

stimulus.

Monetary policy can, of course, play a powerful

role in reducing the downside risks to growth, but overall policy will be

more effective, particularly given the strains to the financial sector, if

the full burden does not fall on the tools available to the Federal Reserve. Fiscal

policy can play an important role. The stimulus program signed into

law by the President will provide a meaningful level of support to growth,

somewhere in the range of three quarters to one and half of a percentage

point of GDP growth over the next few quarters.

Targeted support for housing.

Policy can also play an important

role in helping cushion the effects of the fall in housing prices and the rise

in foreclosures in the United States. The decline in house prices and

the surge in foreclosures now underway will have significant spillovers to

other homes in the same neighborhoods, effects that are not fully incorporated

into decisions by private creditors and investors to workout mortgages on mutually

beneficial terms. The degree to which mortgages are now held in securitized

and complex leverage structures exacerbates the incentive and coordination

problems inherent in this situation. Carefully designed, targeted programs

in cooperation with the private sector can play an important role in resolving

the various constraints that are now impeding economically viable mortgage

restructurings. Given the breakdowns in the securitization process and

its potential impact on the supply of new mortgage credit, it also makes sense

to explore ways to expand the scope for existing government programs to support

financing of new homes.

This policy framework—macroeconomic stimulus, liquidity support, new

equity for the financial system, and targeted support for housing—will

help reduce the risks to the outlook and bring about an earlier return to growth

rates more in line with the economy’s long term potential.

Longer Term Reforms of the Financial System

The unwinding of this global financial boom has caused a substantial degree

of stress to the financial system.

Was this

preventable? I don’t believe that asset price and credit booms

are preventable. They cannot be effectively diffused preemptively. There

is no reliable early warning system for financial shocks. And yet policy

plays an important role in determining the dimensions of financial booms, and

policy helps determine the ability of the financial system and the economy

to adjust to its aftermath. We need to undertake a broad set of changes

to address the vulnerabilities in our financial system revealed by this crisis. Just

as a long list of factors contributed to the trauma, there is no single reform

that offers the promise of sufficient change.

The Presidents

Working Group on Financial Markets and the Financial Stability Forum, which

bring together policymakers and regulators from the major financial centers

around the world, are in the process of outlining a comprehensive framework

of reforms. Many of these recommendations will focus on changes

to the mortgage finance market, the ratings process for ABS and structured

credit products more broadly, regulatory and accounting treatment of these

instruments and special purpose financing vehicles, the disclosure requirements

on instruments and institutions, and other dimensions of the securitization

process.

I

want to conclude with a few comments on some of the broader policy questions

we face in designing these reforms.

Regulatory reform and simplification

. The regulations that

affect incentives in the U.S. financial system have evolved into a very complex

and uneven framework, with substantial opportunities for arbitrage, large gaps

in coverage, significant inefficiencies, and large differences in the degree

of oversight and restraint upon institutions that engage in very similar economic

activities. Some illustrations of this include the large shift in subprime

mortgage originations to less regulated institutions; the incentives to shift

risk to where accounting and capital treatment is more favorable; and the amount

of risk built up in entities that operate in the grey areas of implied support

from much larger affiliated institutions.

We need to move to a simpler framework, with a more uniform set of rules applied

evenly across entities involved in similar functions, and a more effective

balance of regulation and market discipline. And institutions that are

banks, or are built around banks, with special access to the safety net, need

to be subject to a stronger form of consolidated supervision than our current

framework provides.

Capital

. The U.S. banking system entered this financial shock

with capital cushions significantly above the regulatory thresholds, and in

a stronger position to withstand a downturn than was the case in the past. This

has made it possible for bank balance sheets to expand rapidly, which in turn

has helped offset the effects of the withdrawal of many nonbank financial institutions

from credit markets.

Yet the shock absorbers in the financial system as a whole—the financial

cushions that are critical to financial stability—have proved to be thinner,

and behavior has been more pro-cyclical than desirable.

This is in part the

consequence of changes in the structure of the financial system. Because banks

are now a smaller share of the system, a given level of stress on nonbanks

creates greater strain on the system as a whole. It is in part the consequence

of the fact that the present system focuses on mitigating the risks of firm

specific shocks, rather than a systematic market shock. And it is in part the

consequence of the fact that the present system is not designed to induce institutions,

particularly the largest ones, to internalize the negative consequences, the

negative externalities, of their actions on markets as a whole in conditions

of stress.

There is no simple solution to this problem. It requires a broad

look at the design of the present capital regime, the incentives it creates

for holding different forms of risk, and the scope of the application of

these requirements. As we move to a more modern and risk-sensitive

capital framework and reduce the perverse incentives in the current capital

requirements, we need to make sure that reserves, capital, and liquidity

provisions are more forward looking, and adjust appropriately through the

peaks and valleys of the cycle. This will increase the scope for banks

and other institutions that are subject to risk-based capital requirements

to act more as a stabilizing force in response to future financial market

shocks.

Market

infrastructure.

We are in the midst of a dramatic period of financial

innovation and growth in derivative instruments, but the pace of change the

growth in volume has brought a lot of challenges. Substantial progress

has been made to strengthen this infrastructure over the past two and a half

years, and the resilience of the broader financial infrastructure has been

a source of strength for the financial system during this crisis. However,

the systems and practices that support the over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives

market significantly lags that of securities markets and other mature markets. We

need to move quickly to put in place a more integrated operational infrastructure

that supports all major OTC derivatives products, is highly automated, has

robust operational resilience and risk management, and is capable of handling

very substantial growth in volumes.

Conclusion

The U.S. economic and financial system is undergoing a very challenging period

of adjustment, and we are likely to be living with a high degree of uncertainty

for some period of time about the ultimate magnitude and duration of the slowdown

underway. But it is important to recognize that we have already seen

a lot of adjustment. Prices and risk premia in many markets already reflect

a much more sober and cautious view of the world than they did a year ago. And

the degree of stress on markets that we have seen over the past six months

is due in part to the sheer magnitude and speed of that adjustment to a more

cautious view of the future.

The United States, the world economy, and the financial system as a whole, are more

resilient, than they were on the eve of previous downturns. The improvements

in productivity growth in the United States of the past decade have been followed

by significant improvements in potential growth and wealth accumulation in

many other countries. The scale of investable assets around the globe

is very substantial, and this will be an important source of demand for risk

assets. The improvements in monetary policy credibility and in financial

strength developed over the past few decades mean that policy around the world

has more room to adjust to deal with the challenge in the present environment.

Nevertheless, the challenges that remain are substantial. The speed

and agility with which public policy makers and private financial institutions

respond to the continuing pressures in a rapidly evolving environment will

determine how quickly and how smoothly market conditions return to normal—and

how rapidly the risks to the economic outlook are mitigated.

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